Enlightenment ideals such as equality, freedom of speech, and freedom of religion became very influential in many parts of the world, yet in other parts, traditional organized religion maintained power and influence. The ideas of the Enlightenment said that the government was responsible to its people, inspiring revolutions and independence movements and pushing some governments to experiment with democratic values.
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This democracy, however, proved to extend to a limited class of people. Revolutions and Independence Movements.
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Period 5 Full Notes. Need Help? Outside the U. In the wake of war, Soviet citizens anticipated that wartime sacrifice would be rewarded by the advent of a more responsive system.
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Hopes of reform, however, quickly turned to disappointment as the Stalinist system reversed wartime compromises. Physical reconstruction proceeded in parallel with the political, social, ideological and cultural re-imposition of Stalinism. The project examines the mechanisms by which Soviet propagandists rebuilt socialism on the pages of newspapers and journals published between and It examines how the physical reconstruction of Soviet society was connected to a post-war relaunch of socialism.
It considers how the social and cultural process of rebuilding cities, towns, and villages, also drew people into the wider ideological and political project. In rebuilding the fabric of urban and rural society, Soviet citizens were also creating the future edifice of Socialism. This event on 15 September intends to celebrate and assess the contemporary relevance of R. The workshop will be divided into four sessions: firstly on the relevance of the concept of a persecuting society in contemporary mediaeval studies; second its impact on the scholarship of early-modern Europe; third on the use of the concept beyond the chronology and geography of the original work; and finally on the legacy of R.
The event celebrates Newcastle's contribution to these fields of scholarship, and the continued importance of a retired member of the School, his contribution to scholarship worldwide, and the impact of his work through translation and adaptation in other contexts than mediaeval history. Speakers include: Professor R.
For more information please email Luc Racaut luc.
Conflict and Revolution - History, Classics and Archaeology, School of - Newcastle University
Rebuilding Socialist cities: Reshaping urban space and life in Soviet Russia after About About. About The Conflict and Revolutions strand focuses on instances of violent and non-violent conflict in past societies. Publications Publications. Staff Staff. Staff Find out which members of staff and research students are involved in this research theme. Email: john. The first is an essentially political story about the decline and subsequent transformation of the Palmerite model, which has affected scholarship on the Revolution in the Franco-American context; this amounts to a basically internalist account of adaptations within a field.
Fittingly, it has its origins in a new phase in economic globalization: the transformation, in the wake of the oil shocks of , of the most advanced Western capitalist powers to a post-Fordist regime of accumulation. The post-Fordist model of highly flexible, geographically distributed production helped to compensate for a general decline of productivity growth and profitability in the industrialized West. These two contexts were never entirely separate and, in fact, frequently interacted with one another. First, the Palmerite model: R.
But his view was basically Atlanticist, privileging, in particular, the two great democratic sister revolutions of and Politically speaking, these were diametrically opposed reactions to the structural crisis of capitalism that came to the surface in the mids: supply-side economics and retreat of the regulatory and welfare state on the one hand; and on the other, its consolidation and defense.
The election of Margaret Thatcher as prime minister in completes the picture of a rift between the Anglo-American and French worlds, politically and economically speaking. Without the firm, if implicit, anchoring of the French Revolution to its transatlantic sister revolution, the search was on in the s and s for new ways to recast the relevance of French history for American scholars and students.
Revolutions in World History: Comparisons and Connections
Starting in , Furet himself set up camp in the citadel of Straussianism. Historians of the French Revolution have increasingly turned their attention to the gap between the proclamations found in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen and their halting, incomplete, or temporary application among various groups and in different places—for instance, to women and religious minorities in France, and to people of color in the French Empire. In contrast to the now lost world of revolutionary class struggle that historians systematically saw reflected in the French Revolution before , the themes of inclusion and exclusion relate much more visibly to the varieties of identity politics that have dominated political discussion in the United States for some time.
American historians of the French Atlantic world have engaged in a highly profitable form of linguistic arbitrage by bringing a comparatively advanced English-language historiography to bear on this subject; but I think what principally drove American historians in this direction was a widespread consciousness of the legacies of slavery in their own country and a desire to connect the events of the French Revolution to a set of themes more obviously resonant in their own national context.
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French scholars have not been far behind in taking the global and imperial turn, and in this sense, we can speak of the Americanization of the French historiography of the Revolution. Vidal proved to be an owl of Minerva of sorts: by the time her essay was published, the syndrome of repression she diagnosed was coming rapidly to an end. In the first place, it is worth insisting that the French have their own scholarly traditions to draw upon in globalizing their accounts of the Revolution.
More importantly, this new pattern of scholarly interest is determined by a broader set of forces. The real Americanization at work here was cultural and political: the last decade has witnessed the rapid reconvergence of French and American politics, now that questions of race and identity have taken on an unprecedented salience in contemporary France. If the Palmerite consensus described above rested upon a shared, if largely tacit triumphalism, the present global turn has a common origin in the soul-searching in two multicultural societies in the grips of deindustrialization, social polarization, and disorienting political realignments.
This observation leads us back to the second context for the global turn in the historiography of the French Revolution: economic globalization. The globalization of the economy in the post-Fordist world has led to an unprecedented intensification of financial, commodity, labor, and information flows across international borders. This is the origin of a widespread imaginary of a hyper-networked, boundary-shattering, and nimbly adaptive capitalist world economy. Just as surely as this spectacle has stimulated an interest in the unfolding of this process in earlier epochs among historians, it has also generated a rather naive enthusiasm among techno-utopians, free-traders, and the cosmopolitan elites who annually frequent the World Economic Forum Meeting in Davos, Switzerland.
These globe-trotting Davos-historians often see the process of globalization and its virtues in a manner similar to Thomas Friedman—NYT columnist and author of The World is Flat —and his ilk. But the globalization narrative is surely as ideological as anything it replaced.
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Critical historical treatments of early modern globalization have long existed, but they have yet to be widely integrated into the history of the French Revolution; if it is to be written at all, the global history of the French Revolution must self-consciously adopt an entirely different set of assumptions about this process. In order to illustrate what I am talking about, it is instructive to examine some of the economic forces that have helped to determine the rise of global history, including global histories of the French Revolution, as teaching and publishing fields.
Academic publishers avidly seek out titles in transnational and global history in order to recoup or avoid altogether the losses they incur by publishing specialist monographs on individual nation-states that libraries can no longer afford to buy. An oligopoly of publishing firms has pushed the cost of scientific journals to stratospheric levels, which eats up a growing proportion of flat or even declining library acquisitions budgets.
This trend compounds the long-term damage to public higher education as the federal state has systematically retreated from social investments in the wake of the s crisis: federal spending on higher education peaked at 1. Another element of this story is of course the well-known decrease in the number of tenure-track positions in history, including European history.
Some of this decline is tied to the wider academic job market for historians, but it is also related to the relative decline of European history compared to American, Latin American, Asian, and—notably—World history; in , European history, as a proportion of advertised history jobs as a whole, reached a forty-year low of Remaining advertisements in European history increasingly ask for candidates who can teach in an extra-European field and therefore privilege candidates whose research focuses on imperialism and colonization—presumably on the theory that they will be qualified to teach Europe and the wider world.
Historians of France do not compete on the job market simply with other historians of France but also with historians of Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Spain, or Russia to be one of the declining number of Europeanists in a given department. Once hired, they are increasingly asked to contribute to the teaching of world history curricula. The effects of despecialization on the historical profession can be usefully contrasted to the situation of economists.